Tous les articles par cedejsudan

“The Ethiopian-Eritrean Rapprochement After Year One: Cycles of Hope and Despair in Eritrea”

By Tanja R. Müller.

Abstract.
The stalemate that followed the end of a two-year war between Eritrea and Ethiopia in 2000 was over when new Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed unconditionally offered the implementation of peace to Eritrea in July 2019. As a consequence of this rapprochement, many within Eritrea and observers from the outside expected political and economic changes to take hold in Eritrea. In this article I discuss how the first months after the peace agreement did result in a short-lived period of changing conditions of everyday life in Eritrea, largely triggered by the fact that the border between both countries was now open and could be crossed with relative ease. Since the border closed again from April 2019 onwards, a new period of static stalemate has taken hold within Eritrea. This is accompanied by increasingly vocal diaspora engagement most prominent via social media through attacks on the Eritrean President and the demand for his overthrow. While some have drawn parallels to the political change in Sudan expecting a similar scenario to occur, within Eritrea people see such comparisons with caution and in general are vary of the scenarios coming from the divided diaspora. In addition, the Eritrean regime is perhaps less fragile than it may look. And a lesson from Sudan might be that the vili cation of a leader in power is more likely to hinder than advance sustainable political change.

https://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/sites/sciencespo.fr.ceri/files/OAE14201911.pdf 

 

“L’échec des politiques du Premier Ministre Abiy Ahmed pour endiguer les conflits ‘ethniques’ en Ethiopie”

Par Jeanne Aisserge

Résumé.
Les violences intercommunautaires croissantes en Éthiopie sont souvent attribuées aux activistes radicaux pro tant de l’ouverture démocratique prônée depuis près d’un an et demi par le nouveau Premier ministre Abiy Ahmed. Cependant, l’examen critique et sur le terrain des politiques menées par son gouvernement révèle non seulement leur ambiguïté et leur non aboutissement formel, mais aussi le recours moins officiel à des pratiques inquiétantes comme la mobilisation de jeunes miliciens sur des bases ethniques, alimentant la confusion générale sur le projet réformiste en cours et les ambivalents replis ethno-nationaux qu’il suscite.

 

Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese : launching of « Working Papers » series

The AUF-PCSI program “Arabité, islamité, ‘soudanité’” / Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese, launches a “Working Papers” series. The final scientific results of the research team will be published in a special Issue at the end of the project in 2020, this proposal aims to disseminate short contributions from the researchers, in order to enhance the interest of specific original ethnographic data linked to the main issues of the project. During the last year of the program (2020), the Working Papers will be published online with a quarterly frequency.

Working Paper n. 1, October 2019, Changing the state of being. Muslim notions of life, death and the hereafter in Western Sudan, by Bakheit Mohammed Nur.

Research Associate for Transnational Lived Citizenship Project – Manchester

This is a post-doctoral position for the ESRC-funded project: Transnational lived citizenship: Practices of citizenship as political belonging among emerging diasporas in the Horn of Africa.

The post holder will play a central role in the project working closely with the Principal Investigator, Dr Tanja Müller, and Co-Investigator, Dr Oliver Bakewell, to help refine the project design, develop research instruments and undertake fieldwork in Addis Ababa, Khartoum and Nairobi.

The researcher will be the focal point for networking with project partners and other stakeholders in the region. They will contribute to analysis, writing for academic publications and dissemination activities.

Further particulars and job description down below.

Environmental Knowledge and Nature(s) in Africa: Collecting, Producing and Analysing Research Materials

Call for papers for Sources: An Interdisciplinary journal on materials and their uses in African Studies.

Sources grew out of the observation that academic journals tend to encourage theoretical and epistemological advances at the expense of the field materials under analysis. This journal’s mission is twofold: first, to resituate at the core of the articles the materials upon which researchers produce their reflections, while providing direct access to these materials; and second, to present analyses focusing on the contexts surrounding the production of these materials and their uses. This return to sources deriving from field work will take place in conjunction with topical thematics in African and Africana studies in the social sciences and humanities and will promote interdisciplinary dialogue. Sources thus aspires to restore full visibility to iteration for producing theoretical insights, that is, the movement back and forth between a research problem and the field, between interpretation and data.
More information on this journal down below.

This issue of the journal Sources, forthcoming in 2021, would like to place at the center of reflection those objects that have become research materials and have participated and, for some, still participate in the production, transmission and discussion of naturalistic and environmental knowledge in Africa and about Africa.

More information on this call for papers down below (English and French).

Soutien à Fariba Adelkhah et Roland Marchal

Please find Below the recent releases from Politique Aricaine and FASOPO for the support of our colleagues Fariba Adelkhak and Roland Marchal, who have been detained in Iran since June. Our thoughts go to them, their families, relatives and our colleagues.

Support letter from ACPA for our friends and colleagues

Fariba Adelkhah and Roland Marchal, scientific prisoners in Iran

The news of the arrest of our friend and colleague Roland Marchal, CNRS researcher at the Centre for international relations (CERI) at Sciences Po and chief editor of our journal Politique africaine from 2002 to 2006 was announced in the French press on the 15th of October.

He was arrested early June, along with another of our dear friends and colleagues, Fariba Adelkhah, research director at CERI, Sciences Po and an expert on Iran. He has similarly been incarcerated in Tehran, in Evin prison, for more than four months. Revealing Roland’s name or not, was discussed at length among his relatives and colleagues after only Fariba’s name was revealed in Iran in July. We eventually took the decision to not release his name to the press, following the advice of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, but also taking into account the experiences of colleagues from other countries who have also been imprisoned in Iran and especially the risks faced by our friends and by those who work to help them in Iran. For the last four months, the silence kept by our entire academic community but also by the informed journalists was remarkable. This is the manifestation of both a great solidarity and an extreme prudence necessary to address a particularly complex and worrying situation.

Roland is an internationally recognized sociologist, a great specialist of Africa and a very hard working, rigorous and solid researcher. He has been doing fieldwork for several decades on conflicts in Somalia, Chad, Sudan, Central African Republic and more recently in Mali. No doubt that he did not imagine that it would be in Iran, which is remote from his areas of expertise, that he would be arrested and charged with a « threat to the security of the state ».

We are deeply affected and revolted by our colleagues’ long and unfounded incarceration. We are in full support of the action of the European academic association of FASOPO (Fonds d’analyse des sociétés politiques), of which Fariba and Roland are founding members. As soon as they were arrested, FASOPO immediately mobilized a community of researchers. We stand with them to reiterate the call for their immediate release, and the suspension of all scientific and cultural cooperation with Iran. We call on French and European universities to immediately interrupt their exchanges with Iran, both in the field of hard sciences and social sciences. We also call on academics around the world to express their solidarity with our friends and colleagues and with all academic prisoners held in Iran.

Fariba and Roland are of the same style: that of intellectuals extremely active on the academic scene, totally devoted to their research and driven by values of intellectual honesty and professional ethics far removed from the accusations they are now facing. These are two strong voices from the academic field that, in addition to being sorely missed by their family, friends and colleagues, are also missing to our scientific community.

We express our unwavering support to them and their families and ensure we will remain mobilized until their release. Please disseminate this information as widely as possible in your African and international networks.

You can find the FASOPO press release on the FASOPO website where you will find a press review, the biographies of Fariba and Roland and the press releases translated in several languages.


 

Laurent Fourchard (Outgoing President of ACPA) and Sandrine Perrot (President of ACPA)

For the Associations des Chercheurs de Politique africaine (ACPA)

Ci-dessous le communiqué du FASOPO sur la détention de nos deux amis Fariba Adelkhah et Roland Marchal, prisonniers scientifiques.

http://www.fasopo.org

Détention de deux chercheurs français en Iran

Le Figaro a pris la responsabilité de rendre publique la détention en Iran de Roland Marchal que nous avions tenue confidentielle sur la recommandation du ministère français des Affaires étrangères, après que des réseaux sociaux iraniens eurent communiqué l’arrestation de la seule Fariba Adelkhah, à la mi-juillet. Cette discrétion semblait préférable aux autorités françaises qui s’étaient immédiatement engagées, au plus haut niveau, pour obtenir la libération de nos collègues dès que nous avions signalé leur disparition, le 25 juin, mais souhaitaient éviter toute surenchère nationaliste à Téhéran. Elle nous le semblait aussi a vu des expériences des collègues étrangers s’étant trouvés dans la même situation, qui soulignaient combien la mobilisation médiatique « occidentale » avait été soit inutile, soit pire, contre-productive en risquant d’aggraver les conditions de détention des prisonniers scientifiques et les perspectives de libération.
L’arrestation concomitante de Fariba Adelkhah et Roland Marchal semble en fait remonter au 5 juin. Tout l’été, les autorités françaises ont poursuivi leurs efforts. Elles n’ont obtenu d’exercer leur droit de visite consulaire que pour Roland Marchal, et non pour Fariba Adelkhah dont le gouvernement iranien ne reconnaît pas la nationalité française, conformément à sa doctrine. Nos deux collègues bénéficient par ailleurs de l’assistance d’un avocat. A ce jour, ils restent soumis à des interrogatoires dans l’aile de la prison d’Evin que gèrent les Gardiens de la Révolution.
Nous ne ferons aucun commentaire sur les affirmations du Figaro quant aux éventuelles tractations entre Paris et Téhéran dont feraient l’objet Fariba Adelkhah et Roland Marchal, car nous ne disposons d’aucune information vérifiée et vérifiable en la matière.
Nous rappelons que les arrestations d’universitaires étrangers se sont multipliées ces derniers temps en Iran, et que le cas de Fariba Adelkhah et Roland Marchal est loin d’être isolé. Nous savons par ailleurs que nombre d’universitaires iraniens sont emprisonnés pour des raisons politiques, sur la base d’inculpations fantaisistes.
En même temps que notre solidarité avec nos deux collègues, nous tenons à exprimer nos remerciements et notre reconnaissance aux diplomates et aux responsables politiques français pour leur action, discrète mais déterminée.
Rien ne justifie l’incarcération de Fariba Adelkhah et Roland Marchal. Ces derniers ont des activités strictement universitaires, n’ont aucun lien avec quelque service de renseignement que ce soit, ne mènent aucune activité politique en Iran. Toute allégation quant à leur implication dans des opérations d’espionnage ou de déstabilisation est grotesque, et ne devrait que provoquer le fou-rire pour qui connaît leur itinéraire professionnel et personnel, s’il ne s’agissait de leur liberté et de leur santé. La triste réalité est que les Gardiens de la Révolution les ont pris en gage pour on ne sait quel marchandage qui ne les concerne en rien, et selon un jeu de pouvoir tributaire du contexte régional qu’a créé l’administration Trump dans son bras de fer avec l’Iran.
Prenant acte du mépris de la liberté scientifique que manifestent les autorités iraniennes, et du danger que courent les universitaires qui se rendent en Iran, le Réseau européen d’analyse des sociétés politiques réitère sa demande aux institutions scientifiques et universitaires européennes de suspendre immédiatement toutes formes de coopération avec ce pays, autres que l’accueil en leur sein des étudiants iraniens, tout en exprimant sa confraternité avec les enseignants et chercheurs iraniens confrontés à l’arbitraire de l’appareil sécuritaire de la République islamique.

Le FASOPO

Towards a New Social History of Sudan – Conference Call for Paper (English-French)

http://imaf.cnrs.fr/IMG/pdf/conference_presentation_18.9_jnb.pdf

Location: IMAF/Paris 1, Paris Pantheon SorbonneOrganised by: IMAF/CEDEJ Khartoum/Paris 1/CNRS Date: 10-11-12 December 2019

Presentation

The historiography of modern and contemporary Sudan has been shaped by its political history. Indeed, historians have often been called upon to respond to contemporary crises – civil wars, regime changes, international conflicts – often according to criteria of urgency, at the risk of falling into a certain presentism. In this context, social history, which often requires a slower and punctilious form of research, which does not produce ready-made solutions to the multiple crises in the country, and which put at the centre stage the lives of “ordinary people” (Bayat 2013), has struggled to assert itself on the academic scene. An obvious example of this pattern is the scarcity of academic works on the history of Sudanese women, with the exception of the controversial issue of female genital mutilation. In spite of some recent publications (Brown 2017), in-depth research on themes such as women and arts, the history of women as a changing labour force, the history of the family and its margins, and so on, is still waiting to be carried out by historians.

This conference, which is also a research program, aims to put “ordinary people”, women and men, back at the center of Sudan’s modern and contemporary history. From the outset, we wish to emphasize that the term “ordinary people” should neither hide nor flatten the teeming complexity of Sudanese society – used heuristically in the context of social history, it refers to individuals, groups, and social classes whose history is seldom visible or investigated, and who cannot be assimilated to the elites who dominate the country’s political and economic life. We also wish to consider all the dimensions related to the history of “exceptionally normal” people (according to the famous catchwords by one of the main advocates of micro-history, Eduardo Grendi 1977): their daily lives, beliefs, horizons and desires, their interconnections and circulations, while never forgetting the diversity of the various actors, be it related to their social class or their origin. Micro-history is not restricted to European history, and has inspired many studies in both Middle Eastern and African history (for instance in South African historiography). It has also several elements of affinity with non-Europeans historiographic trends such as the Subaltern Studies. In spite of their acknowledged differences, we believe that the crossing of such approaches can lead to new insights into the history of grassroots actors. Finally, social history has traditionally relied on a heterogeneity of disciplines. Thus, we wish that this conference may be enriched by the inputs of sister disciplines such as historical sociology, anthropology, gender studies, micro-history of economics, demography, and so on.

Taking the social history of “ordinary people”, including those of the marginalized peripheries, as a starting point for historical research opens up new perspectives, not only on the political history of the country, but also on the changes, breaks and crises that the country has gone through. This

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includes the understanding of great popular revolutionary episodes that have been pivotal for its history, such as the one that has been taking place since December 2018 and brought the end of Omar al-Bashir’s regime (1989-2019).

The historiographical gap we have just described, however, does not mean the absence of historians’ interest for social history. The problem is rather the scarcity of opportunities to induce synergies among them, to meet and debate with each-other approaches and methodological differences, and to discuss about future developments. One of the main objectives of this conference is thus to give historians of Sudanese society a venue to meet and discuss. This will, hopefully, give more visibility and impact to social history in all its variations.

The conference will take place in Paris, at the University of Paris 1, Panthéon-Sorbonne, on the 10,11, and 12 December 2019. Each day will be introduced by a keynote speaker. Contributions on the following themes, from the perspective of social history, are particularly welcome :

  • –  women’s history (possible themes: history of women’s work, the history of women and arts, the history of the family and its margins).

  • –  labour history (such as: the history of trade unions, the history of the changing working conditions, left-wing cultures).

  • –  the history of mobilizations (grassroots mobilizations, the history of how ordinary people experience politics, the gendering of politics, etc.).

  • –  Historiography and the construction of historical knowledge.

  • –  Intellectual history “from below”.

    Scholarships will be available to cover the travel costs for two or three Master or PhD students traveling from Sudan. Students from Sudan should contact us well in advance for settling all issues related to visa.

    Abstracts of no more than 500 words should be sent by 15 October 2019. The document should also include: title, author’s name, telephone number, email address, affiliation, and of course abstract.

    Because we aim to publish the papers of the contributors to the conference, we strongly encourage participants to submit a full draft (5,000-8,000 words) by 30 November 2019, so that they may be circulated among the contributors and given a feedback.

    Contact info (NB: if you write to one of us, please put the others in CC) Elena Vezzadini, elena.vezzadini@univ-paris1.fr
    Anael Poussier, poussier.anael@gmail.com
    Jean-Nicolas Bach: jeannicolas.bach@cedejkhartoum.com

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Pour une nouvelle histoire sociale du Soudan

Lieu : IMAF/Paris 1, Paris Panthéon Sorbonne
Rattachements institutionnels : IMAF/CNRS/Paris 1/CEDEJ KhartoumDate : 10-11-12 décembre 2019

Argumentaire

L’historiographie du Soudan moderne et contemporain est fortement marquée par l’histoire politique de ce pays. En effet, les historien.e.s ont souvent été appelé.e.s à répondre aux crises contemporaines – guerres civiles, changements de régime, conflits internationaux – souvent selon des critères d’urgence, au risque de verser dans un certain présentisme. Dans ce contexte, l’histoire sociale, qui demande souvent une forme de recherche plus lente et pointilleuse, qui ne dégage pas de solutions toutes faites aux crises multiples du pays, et qui s’intéresse aux vies des « gens ordinaires » (Bayat 2013), a eu du mal à s’imposer dans la recherche universitaire sur le Soudan. Un exemple évident est la pauvreté de travaux sur l’histoire des femmes, à l’exception du thème très controversé de l’excision. Malgré quelques études récentes (Brown 2017), des recherches pointues sur des thèmes comme les femmes dans les arts, l’histoire des femmes dans le monde du travail, l’histoire de la famille et de ses marges, doivent encore être écrites.

Cette conférence, qui est également un programme de recherche, souhaite remettre au centre de l’histoire moderne et contemporaine du Soudan les « gens ordinaires ». D’emblée, nous soulignons que le terme ne veut ni masquer ni aplatir la foisonnante complexité de la société soudanaise ; utilisé de manière heuristique dans le contexte de l’histoire sociale, il désigne les individus, groupes, et classes sociales qui se situent en dehors des élites politiques ou économiques au centre de la vie politique du pays, et dont l’histoire est peu visible et peu ‘vue’. Nous souhaitons également nous intéresser à tous les thèmes liés à l’histoire des gens « exceptionnellement normaux » (Grendi 1977) : le quotidien, les croyances, les horizons et désirs, dans toute leur diversité selon classe sociale et origine, mais aussi dans tous leurs liens et circulations. Même si la microhistoire a surtout marqué l’historiographie européenne, elle a inspiré aussi des nombreuses études en histoire du Moyen Orient et de l’Afrique (voir l’historiographie de l’Afrique du Sud). Elle a aussi des affinités avec des historiographies non-européennes comme les Études subalternes (malgré leurs différences reconnues). Nous croyons que le croisement de ces approches ne peut que mener à une meilleure connaissance des acteurs et actrices « ordinaires ». Enfin, l’histoire sociale s’est traditionnellement servie d’une hétérogénéité de champs de savoir. Ainsi nous souhaiterions que cette conférence soit irriguée par une famille de disciplines sœurs : la sociologie historique, l’anthropologie, les études de genre, la micro-histoire de l’économie, la démographie, etc.

Partir de l’histoire sociale des « gens ordinaires » ouvre de nouvelles perspectives non seulement sur l’histoire politique du pays, mais aussi sur les changements, ruptures et crises que le pays a traversées. Cela inclut les grands épisodes révolutionnaires qui ont marqué son histoire, comme

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celui qui est en train d’avoir lieu depuis décembre 2018 et qui a amené la fin du régime d’Omar al- Bashir (1989-2019).

La pénurie historiographique que nous avons décrit, cependant, ne signifie pas l’absence d’historien.ne.s interessée.e.s à ces questions. Le problème est plutôt un manque de visibilité et d’opportunités pour créer des synergies entre nous, de se rencontrer et débattre des différentes approches, méthodologies, et développements possibles. L’un des objectifs principaux de cette conférence, donc, est de créer cet espace d’échange entre les historien.ne.s du Soudan, mais aussi entre chercheurs d’autres disciplines qui adoptent une approche d’histoire sociale. Nous espérons que cela donnera plus de visibilité et d’impact à l’histoire sociale dans toutes ses variations.

La conférence aura lieu à Paris, à l’Université de Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne, le 10-11-12 décembre 2019. Chaque jour sera introduit par un.e orateur.e principal.e. Des recherches sur les thèmes suivants, dans une perspective d’histoire sociale, seront privilégiés :

  • –  Histoire des femmes (thèmes possibles : une historie du travail féminin, les femmes et les arts, l’histoire de la famille et de ses marges).

  • –  Histoire du travail (l’histoire des syndicats, l’histoire des conditions du travail, les cultures de gauche).

  • –  Histoire des mobilisations (mobilisations populaires, l’expérience de la politique des « gens ordinaires », politique et genre).

  • –  L’historiographie et la construction de la connaissance historique.

  • –  Histoire intellectuelle « par le bas ».

    Des fonds sont mis à dispositions pour 2 à 3 étudiant.e.s soudanais.e.s en master ou thèse pour couvrir les frais de déplacement. Les citoyens.e.s soudanais.e.s n’ayant pas de visa doivent contacter rapidement les organisateurs afin d’anticiper au mieux les formalités liées avec l’obtention du visa.

    Le résumé (env. 500 mots) devra être envoyé avant le 15 octobre 2019 et inclure : Nom et prénom, numéro de téléphone, email, affiliation.

    Une première version des contributions devra obligatoirement être envoyée avant le 30 novembre 2019.

    Information de contact (NB : si vous écrivez à l’un.e, mettez les autres en copie, merci) :

    Elena Vezzadini, elena.vezzadini@univ-paris1.fr
    Anael Poussier, poussier.anael@gmail.com
    Jean-Nicolas Bach: jeannicolas.bach@cedejkhartoum.com

“A revolution in the neighborhood ? The battle for local power has begun” – Lucie Revilla – 4 September

 

This presentation aims to discuss the first findings of a research on the consequences of the revolution at the local scale and more specifically in different popular neighborhoods of Greater Khartoum in terms of political and social dynamics. If the role played by more affluent neighborhoods as Burri or the old Omdurman in the Sudanese revolutionary movement has already benefited from the attention of researchers, popular areas have been more neglected.

Firstly, the formation of “resistance committees” in different areas that the NCP was thought to closely monitor and in which it could rely on some measure of popular support will be examined. Were resistance committees constitued in all areas? When and according to which logics? Who are the revolutionnaries in those popular neighborhoods? And above all, what are the challenges they are confronted to in their effort to embody the revolution at the local scale and define a political project?

Secondly, I will describe the power dynamics and interpersonnal relationships between the members of one specific resistance committee the meetings of which I followed for a month (August 2019) and attempt to present preliminary results.

My hope is that those first observations and analyses will be discussed and contribute to a debate on the political and social dynamics of the Sudanese revolution in popular neighborhoods in Greater Khartoum.

 

Lucie REVILLA is a PhD candidate at the University of Bordeaux, Institute of Political Studies – Les Afriques dans le Monde.

“Colonial and postcolonial politics of religion and ethnicity: Making capitalist economy of local elites in Kassala, Eastern-Sudan” – by Abdaljbr Alhaj Mustafa – 2 October 2019

Abstract: For two centuries, Kassala has been the stronghold of the Khatmiyya order, the religious wing of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) which has historically dominated, with the other sectarian party (UMMA), all democratic periods in postcolonial Sudan. Kassala also represents the historical stronghold for most of the Bejawi Nazrats (Native administrations). Religion and ethnicity in Kassala are apparently the most important institutions upon which the colonial indirect rule, that came to be known in postcolonial Sudan “the local governance”, has been depended. 

Starting from the argument that the better we understand the colonial-Kassala, the better we understand postcolonial-Kassala, the study aims to understand the socio-economic and political situations in Kassala (Eastern-Sudan) in relation to colonial state-policies of religion and ethnicity. In doing so, the study starts by ethnographically studying politics of religion and ethnicity in colonial Kassala, its impacts on a process of the colonial state formation, and its outcomes in postcolonial Kassala. It goes on to investigate the relationships between the colonially formed Kassala and post-colonially formed Kassala in terms of institutions, structures, and politics (co-existence and conflict). The study ends with analytically explaining how such colonial politics of religion and ethnicity have made capitalist economy, led by variously local leaders, concentrated on side, and social exclusion, marginalization and exploitation on another side.

The study employs an approach that has not been previously adopted by Anthropological studies on Islam in postcolonial-Sudan (Al-Dawwi, 1969; Osman, 1978; Eltom, 1983;Al-Shahi, 1981;Holy, 1991; Ali, 2004 et al.), mixing Postcolonial and Marxist perspectives. The goal of such mixing is to deeply dig in socioeconomic and political history of colonization in Kassala. This focus on the micro-level gives the study an aspect of originality; particularly there has been no anthropological study in postcolonial Sudan that clearly tackled overlapping and connections between colonization, religion, ethnicity and economy in the micro-scale. The socio-economic and political history of colonialism has been very often, if not always, derived from historical documents and reports that were left by colonizers. Uniquely, this study focuses on an ethnographic field, written and oral history of colonialism in Kassala, to understand dialectical relationships between colonialism, religion, ethnicity, and capitalist economy in Kassala.

Accordingly, the study provides new perspectives on colonization and decolonization in postcolonial Kassala. Colonization did not stop at the old station in 1956, and neither did decolonization. Colonization and decolonization are ethnographically re-conceptualized. Thus, this gives the study another aspect of originality through its contribution to general debate on what colonization means, and where (how) decolonization should go and stop. 

Documentation

CEDEJ Khartoum hosts a collection of about 3000 books (Arabic, English and French) on Sudan, South Sudan, the Horn of Africa, Africa and the Middle-East from different disciplines (history, economics, geography, anthropology, sociology, political science etc.). The list of books will be available soon online on this page. 

BEING ARAB, MUSLIM, AND SUDANESE – AUF-PCSI program

Program Title: “BEING ARAB, MUSLIM, AND SUDANESE” . Reshaping belongings, local practices and state policies in Sudan after the separation of the South Sudan” (2018-2019)

Partners

CEDEJ Khartoum (UMIFRE, UMR 3123), Faculty of Economics and Social Studies – University of Khartoum (Sudan), Université Saint-Denis Paris 8 – LAVUE (France), Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology (Germany)

Scientific coordinator: Barbara CASCIARRI, University Paris 8, Associate CEDEJ Khartoum

Summary

The project focuses on dynamics of arabization and islamization in relation with national identity building in Sudan, through the analysis of the three notions’ articulation within practical processes and social actors’ practices. The central socio-anthropological approach is based on a micro-scale perspective although paying attention to macro-scale phenomena, mainly state policies related to citizens’ affiliation to an identity forged on categories of Arabness, Islamity and national integration. Rooted in classical works on issues of ethnicity, religion and nationality, the project aims at renewing the scientific contribution of the debate on the relation between Arab identity and Islam and on the issues at stake in the relationship State/citizens in an African country where colonial legacy and ethno-cultural pluralism had made particularly complex the objectives of nation-building.

The project benefits of a coherent research team linked to an ancient and fruitful institutional partnership between CEDEJ, University of Khartoum and two European academic institutions, Paris 8 University and Max Planck Institute. Through interdisciplinarity it takes jointly into account social phenomena implied by the three targeted categories. An original approach brings together various case studies, analyzed through intensive ethnographic methodology, which deeply inquiry multiple paths in making and unmaking the focused groups’ identifications as a source of conflict or as a support to solidarity, searching in these processes breaking points or persistent elements, as well as underlying manipulations. Far for conceiving such categories as merely cultural or symbolic ones, the research looks for their interaction with 1/ urbanization processes and urban/rural interfaces in their moving dynamics ; 2/ territorial configuration and access to natural resources as a driver of belongings reformulation; 3/ the dialectics between ethno-tribal arrangements and state-driven frameworks of identity categorization; 4/ a globalized conjuncture where international actors take part in the redefinition of “Arab Muslim World” and its relation with “Western World”.

Finally, the project is carried out in a particular sociopolitical context : after the long civil war linked to the impasse of post-colonial nation-building, the CPA period (2005-2011) opened again the reflection on local meanings and policies of nationality and citizenship, then, after the separation of South Sudan, Khartoum government put again on the agenda the utopia of a seamless overlapping of ‘Sudanness’, Arabness and Islam. The complexity and historical depth of this context where Sudanese people practices take place and national political orientation are drawn, show the interest of a social sciences’ study on the articulation of the three categories which still define, materially and symbolically, the meaning of “being” and “being considered as” Arab, Muslim and Sudanese in contemporary Sudan.

Résumé

Ouverture d’un nouveau projet interdisciplinaire du CEDEJ: Arabité, islamité, ‘soudanité’. Enjeux de la redéfinition des appartenances, des pratiques locales et des politiques étatiques au Soudan après la séparation du Sud Soudan (AUF-PCSI 2018-2019).

Après la clôture du projet AUF-PCSI 2014-2017 METRO 2 [link], un nouveau projet AUF-PCSI vient d’être approuvé et sera menée sur les deux ans suivants par une équipe interdisciplinaire (Anthropologie, Sciences Politiques, Géographie, Linguistique, Droit, Histoire) et un partenariat scientifique rassemblant quatre institutions académiques: CEDEJ-Khartoum, Université Paris 8, University of Khartoum, Max Planck Institute for Social Anthropology. La présentation en français et anglais du projet est disponible dans les documents ci-joints [deux fichiers PDF]. Le projet démarrera en Janvier 2018, des missions de recherche seront effectuées en Février 2018 et un premier Workshop de l’équipe se tiendra au CEDEJ en Mars 2018

Team

Scientific coordinator: Dr. Barbara CASCIARRI, Maître de Conférence at University Paris 8, Associate CEDEJ Khartoum

Project leader: Dr. Jean-Nicolas BACH, coord. CEDEJ Khartoum

More details/Projet Detaillé:

Project AUF_PCSI 201819 Arabness Islamity Sudanness ENGL

Projet AUF_PCSI 2018_19 Arabité Islamité Soudanité

Ramadan de sang. Le soudan entre révolution et négociation. Décembre 2018-juillet 2029

Résumé

Cette note revient sur les moments forts de la révolte, depuis les premières manifestations d’ampleur en décembre 2018 jusqu’à l’accord de juillet 2019 entre la coalition civile et le Conseil militaire de transition. Au centre des événements se situe la période du sit-in (6 avril-3 juin 2019) dont la trajectoire illustre la diversité des revendications populaires,le désir d’expression politique mais aussi le maintien d’un niveau de répression potentiellement très fort du régime dans sa pratique du pouvoir. La note revient finalement sur les grandes inconnues qui demeurent  parmi lesquelles les enjeux de l’accord civilo-militaire signé en juillet 2019, la place des groupes dits marginalisés et rebelles ou l’avenir du « mouvement islamiste » soudanais.

http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/content/observatoire-de-l-afrique-de-l-est

‘Le programme MASE, une réponse à la difficulté pour l’Union africaine de se réformer’

By Patrick FERRAS

Résumé: Les sabotages de quatre navires et les tensions en résultant dans l’océan indien ont récemment rappelé l’intérêt stratégique de cet espace maritime. En s’appuyant sur un programme de sécurité maritime (MASE), quatre organisations africaines se sont lancées dans une appropriation
globale des problématiques de l’or bleu dans la région (programme MASE). Les premiers résultats sont encourageants et méritent d’être soutenus. Parallèlement, l’originalité de cette construction nous pousse à la réflexion sur l’efficacité des structures africaines actuelles. http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/content/observatoire-de-l-afrique-de-l-est

‘Armed Work and State Reconstruction in South Sudan: Beyond the Peace Deal’

By Nicki KINDERSLEY 

Summary: This paper examines the state of demobilization and security sector reform in South Sudan’s current fragile peace. It outlines the military-security reconstruction work of both the South Sudan government and its armed opposition, which is currently happening outside (and in defiance of) the peace agreement’s terms and control. The paper also sets out current critiques of the peace deal’s security and military provisions: that a ‘payroll peace’ that is structured around buying out military factions is incentivizing rebellion-for-profit and further recruitment; and secondly that this peace through brokerage between military leaders undermines civil state power and authority.

http://www.sciencespo.fr/ceri/fr/content/observatoire-de-l-afrique-de-l-est